6. 5 ‘Islamic’ shelters
In addition there is also shelter provision framed within an explicitly ‘Islamic’
approach.
Ghosha-e-aafiyat is a private shelter in Karachi that is run exclusively by
private donations and in kind support. The shelter is run on Islamic principles
and offers women free accommodation, food, clothing, medical and legal assistance.
The women can stay at the shelter for as long as is needed. The shelter has
a security guard at the gate with strict instructions not to allow any visitors.
The shelter only accommodates women, girls and young boys. Boys over the age
of five are sent to local madrassas paid for by the shelter. The four trustees
of the shelter come from very comfortable backgrounds and run the shelter on
a voluntary basis. They make up any shortfall in the running costs.
One of the trustees stated that:
“The shelter only admits women who are brought or referred to the shelter
by someone so that the
woman’s character can be verified otherwise the woman is not admitted.
We do not provide shelter
to women who are of ‘loose character’”.
This means there are no self referrals. The house rules displayed on the wall
stated:
Your honour is our honour
You are not allowed out
You will have to pray at fixed times
You will have to go to bed at certain times
Only go to Doctors or the Doctor who visits the shelter and
Only allowed to visit families.
The residents are expected to comply with the house rules. The trustee said:
“On admission the woman’s family is informed and advised of the visiting
hours – Friday 3-5pm. In
the last six months the shelter has evicted two women because they were ‘characterless’
and did
not follow the rules.”
The trustee was concerned about the image of the shelter as it was based in
the community and needed to maintain its credibility.
The view of the shelter is that as women are having their basic needs met they
do not need anything else. They should be grateful to Allah (God) for what they
are receiving. They believe women should be disciplined and should follow the
Islamic code of life. Another shelter called Jamaat-e-Himaytae-Islam is based
in Lahore and is run in a similar manner, though it takes women referred through
the courts.
6.6 Comparing shelters in Pakistan
“I don’t like being locked up. Women here sit and cry all day and
talk about killing themselves but
there is no-one to listen to them. It is like a jail here.”
Whilst all shelters provide certain services, there are some differences between
them and these can be understood mainly in terms of level and source of funding.
Generally, privately funded shelters or those with religious affiliations provided
better facilities. However Pannah, funded by multiple donors, has excellent
living conditions and offers more services to the women than other shelters.
As for Darul-Amans, the above quote from the resident and our own observations
indicate that more could be done for women who access these services.
Although there were some commonalities between all the different types of shelters,
the quality of provision varied considerably. The residents of some shelters
complained about the poor diet they were given, overcrowded rooms and general
poor living conditions, not having access to medical treatment, lawyers not
appearing at court hearings and restrictions on their mobility.
The range and level of services offered to women, availability of key work sessions
(particularly to women waiting desperately to discuss their cases), and general
living conditions were all affected by the funding available to a shelter and
these factors in turn impacted on the well being of the women.
One of the main problems with all the shelters is the lack of childcare provision.
Childcare and education is extremely limited and in some shelters is non-existent.
One main factor could be that some of the shelters with limited budgets are
unable to provide this care, but even shelters who have sufficient funds do
not seem to identify this as a need.
The other service that was obviously lacking was aftercare work with women.
This was of particular concern because once women have reconciled or are forced
to return to their husbands no contact is maintained with them. A woman resident
at a shelter said:
“When a woman goes back to family someone should keep in touch with her
because recently a
woman from the shelter returned home and her family physically assaulted her
and broke both her
legs and then said now try and leave.”
It was essential therefore that someone should keep in touch with women for
their safety and wellbeing.
In some cases there was evidence of women desperately wanting to speak to workers
regarding their cases but not being allowed access to them for days or even
weeks. Although all shelters offered counselling to the residents not all had
in-house psychologists. Where a woman was in need of specialist psychological
help (for example where she had been a victim of gang-rape, forced prostitution
or forced marriage) she would be unable to access this unless there was a psychologist
attached to the shelter. A lack of networking between shelters prevented women
from accessing services in shelters other than where they were resident.
As discussed below, despite the fact that the majority of shelters did not send
children to school, there was little evidence of structured work being done
with children. Although some shelters provided some very basic education, children
were usually missing out on a much needed education. The majority of shelters
did not have childcare workers or crèche facilities. Unfortunately, none
of the children in any of the shelters is offered counselling or support.
6.7 Evaluation of service provision
“Service provision for women is grossly inadequate.”166
Having outlined the range of shelter provision documented in Pakistan, we move
now to consider participants’ assessments of how well these shelters functioned.
There was a consensus amongst all the participants interviewed about the need
for much more extensive service provision, particularly in the rural areas.
Women from these areas had to travel hundreds of miles before reaching a service
provider. The lack of service provision in these areas meant that women were
unable to access services when needed and were therefore extremely vulnerable.
By contrast, while there are a large number of NGOs in the urban areas these
often appeared to be over stretched and under resourced. Some of the NGOs visited
and researched were dedicated and experienced at dealing with issues affecting
women, but due to funding constraints they had no choice but to limit the number
of cases they could take on and represent.
While conducting the fieldwork, the impact of the significant shortfall in resources
in preventing the setting up and functioning of services that are responsive,
and that can be accessed easily and quickly became clear. All the NGOs claimed
to be doing work on violence against women, but it was evident that not all
of them had the infrastructure to deal with domestic violence. Some of the NGOs
are aware of and understand the issues and legal obstacles facing women fleeing
domestic violence, but others appeared to be inexperienced and lacking in awareness
and understanding about women’s needs. This in itself is not unusual and
reflects the spectrum, tensions and dilemmas often found in social care and
health support services generally. However this does become problematic when
services are extremely sparse, and in the context the rural-urban divide and
with a complex legal system as unresponsive as it is in Pakistan. This leaves
women in their communities and families extremely vulnerable and unsafe, and
reinforces the notion that domestic violence is a private matter.
As indicated at the start of this chapter, legal aid is available to women seeking
legal advice and representation. However, there are additional costs that are
not covered by legal aid and which women
166 Interview with director of HRCP, Lahore, on 15. 6. 06
have to pay out of their own pocket. For example, a woman has to pay for documents
such as the marriage certificate or the divorce certificate. If she cannot afford
to do this she may be forced to wait for years to prove her status.
At the time of our visit to Behdood-e-Niswan in Faisalabad, we met an impoverished
woman who had been granted a divorce but did not have the 500 rupees (approx
£5) to pay for the divorce certificate. Yet without such documentation
women cannot prove that they are divorced. Such lack of evidence may have more
serious implications, under the Hudood Ordinances when the women attempt to
remarry.
6.7.1 Accessing services
“To access services women have to travel long distances – how will
she get there if she has no
money?”167
Women in rural areas often have no awareness of their rights, and in many cases
held a variety of conceptions and definitions of what domestic violence means.
They were both described as, and indeed discussed in their interviews, tolerating
physical violence and verbal abuse because they were conditioned to believe
that their husbands have a right to treat them in this manner. It was often
said that it is culturally acceptable amongst men to give their wives a slap
to teach them a lesson. Alongside their economically dependent status, then
it is hardly surprising talk of ‘rights’ to these women might appear
as something that they would find hard to understand.
Further, at a structural level, the urban – rural divide influences the
distribution of resources. It would seem that there is little investment in
improving service provision for women in rural areas because NGOs are mainly
based in urban areas. As a shelter worker put it:
“Lahore is a city and women here are progressive but they are different
in the villages. Women
cannot easily access services particularly in rural areas where there are no
services and women have
to travel miles to access services.”
From the accounts of service providers in all regions it seemed that NGOs may
initially take up cases but they do not have the resources to follow them up
on a long-term basis. Rape victims are taken to court but are not offered any
support. A resident at a shelter said:
“We sit here by the grid all day hoping that someone will call us and we
can share our problems –
but there is no-one.”
As the director of HRCP described the difficulties:
“…if a woman flees her home where would she live? The shelters usually
allow a woman to stay for only three months. In this society women cannot rent
houses.”
Although women did not necessarily have any idea of what shelters were like
prior to admission, once there they encountered difficulties which resulted
in them having negative perceptions about the services. The women were told
they would receive free legal representation, medical treatment, food and clothing,
but (with the exception of food and the quality of this was often very poor)
these were not always provided. If such things were provided this was usually
done on an ad hoc basis.
There was genuine fear amongst a large number of women of being traced and murdered.
Some of the women were unable to attend court hearings because of these fears
and said the state did not offer any protection for them. As was seen in the
case of Rabia above (case study five), she moved to several different areas
and each time was located because of her family’s influence.
A further key point, in terms of life beyond shelter provision, is that service
providers emphasised how a woman in Pakistan cannot lead a private life because
wherever she lives or works people want to know where she is from and her husband’s
or family’s details. The implications of this are considerable. It is one
of the factors inhibiting women in leaving violent relationships. Women often
only seek out services when they are extremely desperate and vulnerable.
167 Interview with service provider on 18. 5. 06
6.7.2 Perception of services: shelters and the police.
Participants emphasised that women have little protection, because they are
not economically independent and as a result are less likely to be able to bribe
or influence those who should be offering assistance. Here it is important to
note the perception that women had of service providers, particularly the police
and shelters, as this greatly influenced whether they approached these services.
Almost all of the women victims/survivors interviewed for the study perceived
the police in a very negative light. Participants in the focus groups conducted
at shelters in Lahore and Karachi pointed out:
“The police were not even prepared to listen to me – they did not
even protect me…If we could get
enough money and bribe police, the police would have been standing with us.”
Such sentiments reflect the widespread view of the police as corrupt and open
to bribery. But what was especially emphasised was how issues such as domestic
violence were not taken seriously and were perceived as a matter to be resolved
within the family. In her interview, a worker from an NGO in Karachi said:
“If a poor woman goes to register an FIR she will be told to return home
and they will say “What are you doing here?”He will be abusive and
say it is a family matter and should be resolved within the family... Reporting
a crime is a problem for educated people so how can an illiterate woman know
what is happening?”
While women may have had low expectations of the police, many of their perceptions
of the shelters were also negative. As one resident at a Government shelter
illustrated:
“This is like a jail. They are not going to do anything here – nothing
happens. They say they are
providing everything but they don’t “
Another resident complained about not being able to sleep and having severe
pains and although the doctor was supposed to come and see her, s/he had not
arrived. The rigid systems of control generated resentments and criticisms:
“How long can one stay in a shelter? Even if we were allowed to live here
for an unlimited period
one cannot spend their whole life according to the shelter’s rules and
regulations.”
6.7.3 Government vs NGO and private shelters
“The number of shelters available remained grossly inadequate given the
needs of women, with
experts at several seminars identifying the need for safe housing as the most
pressing concern of
women facing violence.”168
In an acknowledged context of shortfall in provision, the NGO sector and privately-run
shelters try to provide a safe home for women in a country that offers little
protection to them. Shelters were visited in two of the three regions covered
by this report. In these shelters, the majority of women were from rural areas.
One key difference between NGO shelters and Dar ul Amans is that the latter
install metal fencing within their buildings to restrict women’s mobility.
The impact on women who have endured traumatic experiences of being placed in
a shelter that is meant to provide a safe and secure environment, and which
then imposes restrictions on movement, should be considered. The government
shelters are still largely regarded as, and referred to as, ‘sub jails’.
The conditions could be considered as a contravention of women’s human
rights – since freedom of movement and a right to independence and quality
provision is greatly compromised.
There are some NGO run shelters that offer similar and perhaps better living
conditions than Dar ul Amans, including one shelter in Lahore which is regarded
as the first progressive women’s shelter in Pakistan. However, in general,
policies and practices of controlling women’s behaviour and restricting
their mobility reinforce the customs and practices imposed on women in society
at large and limits the decisions they can make about how they live their lives.
Other shelters are set up under Islamic principles. Providers at a Muslim shelter
in Karachi claimed that a woman’s life should be defined by Islamic principles.
Provision was funded by, and indeed dispensed within, a spirit of charity and
the workers felt that women at their shelter:
168 Human Rights Commission Pakistan – State of Human Rights in 2004
“…have plenty to eat and have accommodation and clothing – what
more do they want?”
Many shelters claimed they had written policies and house rules but with almost
no exceptions none was able to produce these. There was little consistency in
practice between the shelters that were visited. The majority of the shelters
saw their role as providing and meeting basic needs such as food, clothing,
accommodation, legal representation and medical treatment. Our inquiries generated
the response that none of the shelters involved residents on management committees
or Boards of Trustees, nor were residents involved in decision making processes.
The shelters varied both in their practices and level of service they provided.
At one of the Dar ul Amans a young woman told us she had previously tried to
self harm and had been waiting for days to speak to the worker but was told
that the worker was busy. She was desperate to speak to her because she did
not know what was happening about her case and the frustration and fear of the
unknown contributed to her experiencing great psychological stress. Often women
were confined indoors and were therefore unable to access other services. Interviews
conducted with residents at Dar ul Amans indicated that service provision within
these shelters was grossly inadequate.
The majority of shelters restrict women’s mobility, often in the name of
safety. There might be some validity for this given some of the threats women
face, but what this does is to limit women’s ability to take some control
over their lives. The policy of most shelters is to allow women out of the buildings
only to attend court hearings or hospital appointments. This reinforces the
male view that women should remain indoors as if they go out they may do something
to dishonour the shelters. But the closed character of the shelters has attracted
other criticism, including the charge that a number of shelters have developed
into brothels.
Although there is recognition of the need to have services for women fleeing
domestic violence, it remains the case that such services are developed and
delivered in a way that reflects a patriarchal society. Ironically, in offering
women fleeing domestic violence a relatively safe place to live, in essence
women change from one level of dependence to another. They become dependent
on the shelters and the shelters take on the role of the men in families –
the protectors and benefactors of women. This gives women very little opportunity
to be independent, strive for themselves, and build confidence and self-esteem.
However, there are examples of shelters that try to do things differently and
do not view conformity as the solution, unfortunately as a result they often
attract unwelcome attention. Dastak, the first progressive women’s shelter
in Pakistan, has on numerous occasions been both threatened and attacked for
providing shelter to women seeking justice. Yet, the accounts of survivors and
providers indicated time and again that the two women who run the centre are
seen as role models in defending women’s rights across Pakistan.
In most shelters visited there were inconsistencies between the workers accounts
of service provision and the residents’ views of provision. All the shelters
visited claimed to provide free legal assistance, medical care, accommodation,
food and clothing. However, as one resident in a government shelter said:
“…women are left to die because they cannot pay for their treatment.”
Of the women interviewed in shelters several said they were extremely unhappy
and wanted to leave. As a result of what what the women perceived to be the
inadequacy of service provision, some of them had feelings of helplessness and
felt suicidal. This was compounded by the fact that they did not know what would
happen to them after leaving the shelter with no one to support them.
As regards legal assistance, in many of the shelters women did not have direct
access to lawyers and information about their cases was passed on via the workers.
Some women claimed that the workers were not updating them about their cases.
Residents at most shelters said there were no social activities other than at
religious festivals or when received foreign visitors. One resident said:
“The shelter always makes great efforts when foreigners come to visit ”
Another said:
“…what do we get out of it – nothing. People speak to us and
go away – nothing changes, no-one helps.”
This mismatch between women’s and workers’ perspectives tends to suggest
that, although there were services available to women, these are not consistent
or universally available to all residents. Both direct observation and participant
accounts indicated that in some shelters women without status or connections,
or an awareness of their entitlement, often received a poor service. Many of
these women were from rural rather than urban areas.
6.8 Provision after the shelter?
Reconciliation, second marriages or “well wishers”were generally seen
as the only solution for women fleeing domestic violence. Even Dastak, the progressive
women’s shelter, engaged in these practices:
“The Crisis Centre offers mediation and reconciliation if a woman requests.”
The term ‘well wisher’ referred to male friends of women who had come
to shelters. These men often supported women financially whilst they were at
the shelter and in many cases married them afterwards.
Hence it would seem that women in shelters are limited in the choices they can
make about their lives. Most of them are therefore either forced to return to
violent relationships or remarry. Key factors here include their economic dependency
on men, and lack of service provision and support after leaving the shelters.
But policies in relation to working women and regarding children also play a
key role. If a woman had children she would be unable to work and provide for
herself and her children. The state did not offer any housing or financial assistance
except for the Bait ul Mal fund, which is not always easily available. As a
result, as one focus group participant commented:
“A woman often reconciles with her husband, returns to her family or re-marries.”
None of the women residents at shelters interviewed for the study were confident
about finding work or living on their own without being dependent on a man.
Some of the women survivors/victims interviewed were intending to remarry for
that reason. They were adamant that they were not afraid of working hard to
support themselves, but had arrived at the conclusion that they were unable
to survive without any support. It is within these material/structural limitations
that women elect either to reconcile or remarry.
The government makes no provision for a homeless single woman or a woman with
children after their temporary stay at shelters. The woman can apply for rented
accommodation if a male accompanies her but participants emphasised that this
would make her vulnerable to sexual exploitation. The first question women are
asked is ‘what is your husband’s or father’s name?’ thus
reinforcing the wider assumption that a woman does not have an identity without
a man – whether that man happens to be the father, brother or husband.
It is therefore hardly surprising that although the perpetrators of violence
may have been men, the solution or a way out of the shelters was again via men.
If the whole environment is one of secrecy, threat and intrigue, then it is
not surprising that both women and children fail to thrive in shelters and often
go on to experience serious mental health difficulties. If physical safety cannot
be guaranteed women will continue to seek out reconciliation or opportunities
to remarry or secure a ‘well wisher’, or even return to violent and
abusive relationships because they do not see any alternative.
6.9 Mental health support
Although most shelters offered access to in-house counsellors or psychologists,
our interviews with residents confirmed that this provision was only available
on an ad hoc basis. Some residents who had previously self harmed or were suicidal
were desperately waiting to consult or speak to someone about their experiences
but found that nobody was available. Physical safety takes such precedence that
anything that is invisible and not apparent gets marginalised and ignored. Emotional
well-being and mental health emerged as two very neglected areas of service
provision. Services focusing on emotional and mental well-being were in vital
need of development and these should be accessible and available to every woman
entering a shelter if resilience and recovery is their genuine aim.
6.10 Children in shelters
Exploring the provision for, or experiences of, children in shelters was not
intended to be a primary focus of this study. However, it was an issue that
was difficult to ignore because children figured in important ways for women
and were a major reason why women either tolerated or, alternatively, arrived
at the decision to flee domestic violence.
All shelters claim to have provision for children but our study found such provision
was minimal. Moreover girls and boys are positioned differently. The study documented
that the majority of shelters operate a policy of not accepting boys over the
age of five. After this age boys are separated from their mothers. On admittance
the mother is informed of this policy and has to then make a choice of being
with her sons or accepting a place at the shelter. If the woman chooses to enter
the shelter her sons are referred to the local madrassas or orphanages. This
practice has not taken into consideration the impact this has on the children
who may have been a witness to violence. Apart from the trauma of separation
from their mother the children may have specific psychological needs because
of their previous experiences in their homes.
Although most shelters have teachers for basic elementary and religious education,
the children lack properly structured educational programmes. The majority of
shelters claimed that they do not send children to local schools because they
fear the children may get abducted. Within the shelters, there are no dedicated
or specialist childcare workers and no other type of structured childcare provision
to give women the space to focus on vocational training programmes.
Some of the residents at shelters visited for the study claimed they had no
choice but to leave their children t home because they were unable to financially
support them.
The lack of play facilities and opportunities for children, and the fact that
children were very often also victims of violence, went unnoticed. Interviews
with service providers at shelters indicated that psychological issues for children
who have left abusive family situations, or have themselves been abused, are
not addressed at all.
As indicated, a range of organisations – government, NGOs and independent
sources, provide shelters. The shelters visited were mainly for single women,
and married women with children, but there were also some cases of young girls
who had been admitted. However, the girls who were allowed to reside at the
shelters found that their needs were not always accommodated as the shelters
had an adult focus and often struggled to balance their responsibility to the
girls and abiding by the law.
An example that illustrates the inadequacies of placing and meeting the needs
of young girls in adult shelters was noted on a visit made to one of the Dar
ul Amans (government shelter). The superintendent took us to a room where a
group of about 7-8 women and children were sitting. A young girl was also in
the room. The young girl had been brought to the shelter the previous year when
she was 7 years old. The parents had sold her to someone in the red light area.
The superintendent said that the girl was physically and psychologically damaged
and they did not know what to do with her. She had been through horrific sexual
assaults and her internal organs had been damaged. The girl had been medically
examined and needed an operation to repair her internal organs. The shelter
felt unable to grant permission for the operation in case the girl did not survive.
Hence the girl would have to live with no treatment and was experiencing an
immense amount of pain.
6.11 Limits to the work of non governmental organisations
There are some significant limits to what the Pakistani NGO sector can achieve
- not least to do with the structure and priorities of bilateral funding. The
overwhelming picture emerging from our study is that the approach taken by a
large number of NGOs is focused on providing short-term welfare services in
the form of food, clothing, shelter and support. An INGO participant interviewed
for the study in Islamabad commented that ‘The approach is very welfarist.’
The director of a major NGO claimed that ‘there are over one Lakh (100,000)
NGOs in Pakistan’ but of course these vary considerably in their functions
and practices. Many of these are set up and funded through families, philanthropists,
religious institutions and INGOs. The ethos of the NGOs is influenced by their
funders, many of whom have conservative values and subscribe to traditional
views about gender and gender relations. In such contexts women’s honour
can be viewed as more important than any violence they experience.
Here it is important to note that although the majority of the NGOs identified
and visited for the study worked with victims of domestic violence, very few
specialised in women’s rights. Many of the service providers consulted
were critical of other service providers and described them as being inadequate.
Another INGO interviewee took the view that ‘services [in Pakistan] are
grossly inefficient.’
Some NGOs however have played a significant part in raising awareness of violence
against women and the lack of protection provided by state agencies.
6.12 Harassment of domestic violence service providers
“Women can’t even get out of the village so there’s no possibility
of getting there. Also there’s a
sign outside the crisis centre so everyone knows that it’s there. Even
female workers e. g. legal aid
workers who go into crisis centres are harassed; their house have been set alight;
their children
kidnapped. It’s astounding that the address is not even kept secret.”169
The fieldwork carried out for this study highlighted that some NGOs in Pakistan
are working under very difficult conditions and are sometimes implicated in
cases. For example during 2005 we met with the director of Struggle for Change
(SACH) who had been implicated in a case of a woman whose children had been
abducted from her by her husband. The director had produced substantial evidence
to the police of the threats made against her and the woman but the police failed
to take any action against the husband. The husband was an ‘influential’
man and bribed the police to register a false case of abduction against both
women.
There were other participants in our study who had similar experiences. The
director of the Progressive Women’s Association noted: ‘I was booked
under Hudood laws for three years before being acquitted.’ Other service
providers recalled being harassed when working at well-known activist organisations.
One ex-worker, who was now employed by a major INGO, claimed she was receiving
calls every day saying ‘your son will be killed’. She brought this
to the attention of a government minister and the Superintendent of Police but
was not given any protection.
This type of harassment has wider implications for NGOs and the women they are
trying to protect because it tends to limit workers’ involvement in cases
due to fear of the consequences of their actions.
The interference and influence of politicians to extract information about the
whereabouts of particular women is a consistent problem both women and workers
in shelters have to face. A service provider claimed: ‘politicians think
they have a right to get involved in cases and demand information to be disclosed
about particular residents.’ If access or information is denied to politicians,
the workers are threatened. This has at times increased the insecurity of both
workers and women residents. The women are sometimes given pseudonymns to protect
their identities. The above worker added that:
‘even the guards protecting the shelter are not to be trusted!’
6.13 International non governmental organisations (INGOs)
The role of INGOs in Pakistan has been quite significant in making some progress
towards improving the lives of women in Pakistan. This has occurred through
the funding of a range of projects and programmes to raise awareness around
gender based violence. These organisations have also supported campaigns such
as; the campaign to repeal Hudood Ordinances, against forced marriages and honour
killings. They have also developed programmes which aim to sensitise the judiciary
and the police to women’s rights.
Although initiatives and funding are made available to run short-term programmes,
there was no evidence of long-term measures being taken to sustain any changes
that may have occurred in improving the lives of women. During the course of
the fieldwork the researcher met with INGOs working on issues of violence against
women but they did not appear to address issues of housing provision, of children’s
needs within shelters, or the training and empowerment of women. There appeared
to be little consideration of the longer term impact of violence on women and
children.
169 Interview with Deputy Director, Development Services; British Council July
2006
6.14 Comparing shelters in Pakistan and the UK
There are some commonalities between shelters in the UK and Pakistan which will
be described here. We shall also highlight some examples of good practice implemented
by shelters in Pakistan.
The majority of the refuges in the UK are run on limited funds and experience
staff shortages. The refuges’ practices are very similar in terms of confidentiality
and visitor policies.
Unlike the UK, however all Pakistani NGOs had men involved in services for women.
Shelters too had male members on their Boards. The male members did not have
any direct contact with women, but it was seen as necessary to involve men in
order to gain credence and support. The progressive NGOs also had men working
on issues related to violence against women but had women leading on these issues.
Whilst the distribution and quality of provision in Pakistan is in many respects
inferior to that of the UK, it is important to note features of practice that
are, in fact, better than the UK. Some shelters in Pakistan, for example, offer
immediate access to lawyers, counsellors and psychologists. This is generally
not available in the UK, where women are placed on waiting lists for referrals
to counsellors. As for legal advice in the UK there are sometimes long delays
in referring women to lawyers specialising in particular areas of the woman’s
needs which often results in women not receiving proper advice. One other crucial
difference between shelters in Pakistan and the UK is that the former never
turn a woman away, whereas in the UK shelters do have the option of turning
women away.
The chart below illustrates some of the main similarities and differences between
shelters in the UK and Pakistan.
Table 8: Comparison of Shelter Characteristics in the UK and Pakistan
SERVICE/PROVISION
UK
PAKISTAN
Childcare
3
8
Aftercare
3
8
Food
Women have to pay
3
Medical
3
Poor provision
Education
3
618
Employment
3
Very Limited
Rehabilitation
8
3
Counselling
Based on referrals
In-house
Reconciliation
8
3
Confidential Location
3
3
Visitors
8
Family (in govt shelters)
Mobility
3
Not allowed out (except Dastak and Pannah)
Maximum Age for Boys
11
5
Funding Source
Government
Govt, Private, Zakat
Key Worker
3
8
Lawyers
Referrals
Immediate
Male Presence
8
Drivers and Guards
6.15 Overview
Visits to and interviews conducted with residents and service providers indicated
that some of the shelters in Pakistan were obviously overcrowded, and with poor
facilities. There was a clear division between provision funded by governmental
and non-governmental sources. In most cases there was no key worker system,
poor working conditions, no case work supervision, and no training or worker
accountability. The workers appeared to run the shelters with very little input
from trustees except for one shelter where regular meetings were held and communication
between shelter manager, workers and trustees took place. Nevertheless, some
areas of practice appeared to be comparable to, and even more accessible and
responsive than UK service provision, notably in relation to the speed of initial
access to legal advice and in some cases to initial psychological support.
Analysis from participants’ accounts also highlights that in Pakistan life
for a woman after leaving a shelter often means returning to the violent situation
she left, remarriage or returning to her family if they will have her. In some
cases women are open to sexual exploitation in order to support their children
because there are no other provisions available to them.
Overwhelmingly what emerged from the interviews with providers and shelter residents
across all sectors of provision is that there are two key obstacles for women
seeking shelter that prevent them from living independently: rehousing and financial
assistance. Unlike the UK, Pakistani agencies (at both governmental and non
governmental organisational levels) do not help women with rehousing or financial
assistance after leaving the shelters. In the UK women are offered state assistance
whereas no such provision is available to women in Pakistan except Bait-ul-Mal.
It is within these limitations that women have to make choices about their future
and the future welfare of their children.
However, if adequate provision is made available it is clearly not impossible
for a woman to live on her own, although as indicated earlier she will be very
visible, under suspicion as a ‘lone’ woman, and vulnerable to harassment
and exploitation. If a woman’s basic needs are met (for example accommodation,
financial assistance and protection) then a woman can survive.
It is widely known that (notwithstanding their lesser status) women in rural
areas are the main breadwinners. If provided with adequate means they work hard
to support themselves and their families, countering many of the negative perceptions
in Pakistani society about the abilities of women. However, it is presently
unacceptable within Pakistani society for a woman to live alone, or as a lone
parent. This discourages a large number of women who could live independently
as they fear they would be labelled a ‘loose woman’ and suffer harassment
and possible attack as a result. This does not only reflect on their ‘izzat’
but impacts on their life as well as on those of their siblings and children.
At one of the shelters in particular the class division was apparent and women
from poor backgrounds and women from middle class backgrounds had their own
separate circle of friends. This class division affects the initial access a
woman has to the shelter, her ability to access services once there, and the
situation she faces after leaving the shelter. Knowledge of women’s rights,
services available to victims of violence and access to resources are all issues
affected by a woman’s socio-economic background.
Finally, it is important to note that the picture of services that has been
documented included some of the best examples of practice in Pakistan. Even
Dastak, the progressive women’s shelter, would benefit from increased funds.
The shelter needs refurbishment and a larger building in order to meet the heavy
demand on their limited resources. Whilst the crisis centre and the shelter
jointly are internationally acknowledged for their work in supporting women,
there is still considerable room for service and practice development.
Arfa’s case
Arfa’s father was in the army. She lived with her parents, three brothers
and two sisters at their home in Azad Kashmir. She studied until class 8, after
which she remained at home with her family.
Arfa left home after being raped and sexually abused by her father. He started
abusing her when she was fourteen years old. He once took Arfa to hotel frequently
visited by the family and raped her. Arfa passed out during the assault, and
when she regained consciousness her mother asked her what had happened to her,
to which her father replied that she had had an accident.
She tried to tell her mother about the incident and the abuse but her mother
refused to accept it. Her father then started abusing her in the presence of
her mother who did nothing to protect her.
Arfa tried to get help from her neighbours but they all refused to come to her
aid as they were afraid of her father and what he may do to them.
In June 2005 she left home because she could not take the pain and suffering
any longer. She managed to find 1200 rupees (approximately £12) around
the house. Arfa then walked for miles until she came to a house and knocked
on the front door to ask for some water. The woman who opened the door wanted
to know what had happened to her. Arfa told the woman about the abuse she had
suffered over the years by her father. The women made arrangements for Arfa
to go into shelter.
Upon arrival at the shelter Arfa filed a criminal case against her father and
at the time of our visit the case was still pending.
Arfa’s mother is pressuring her to drop the case against her father, claiming
that she will not be able to cope if he is sent to prison.
Arfa was very distressed and uncertain about her future. The shelter had told
her that once her case was concluded she would have to leave the shelter. She
had no where to go and was worried about how she was going to survive.